1 Comment

1.2 The history and development of public health in developed countries(cont’3)

Another feature of postwar public health concern was the shift from individual hygiene back to the environment (Hays 1987; Gottlieb 1993). To many, these heart diseases and cancers, along with other diseases and pathological conditions that seemed even more serious—for example, other forms of cancer, birth defects, lowered sperm counts—had broader structural causes and could be prevented only by comprehensive changes in the physical and social environment (Epstein 1979). Thus part of the liberal resistance to public health imposition was the argument that a focus on disciplining lifestyles came at the cost of attention to grander and more serious political issues (Tesh 1987; Turshen 1987).
While this new environmentalism had links with the nineteenth-century view of public health as environmental improvement, there were greater differences. The fear of insidious invisible radiation or the toxic chemicals that might lurk in numerous consumer products reflects the terror of germs or invisible odourless miasmas which germs replaced; however, the blame was quite differently directed. The new problems of environmental public health were those in which individuals were victimized by corporate oligopolies and by the governments they influence. While Chadwick and his associates had warned of vested interests, such as those that perpetuated slum housing, nineteenth-century environmental health problems had a communal character that was missing from the twentieth. Everyone in a nineteenth-century town produced excrement, smoke, ash, and rubbish; the great problem was to find within the community the will and means to act collectively (Wohl 1977; Kearns 1988). Few in a twentieth-century community produced radiation or toxic chemical waste, and the reasons why nothing was done about these seemed all too clear. Public health had failed in its police function; an institution that had evolved to stop the selling of spoiled food by the individual grocer or restauranteur could not cope with the conglomerate that sold goods whose harmful effects were less obvious and slower to appear but which might be much more widely distributed.
The result was an increasingly adversarial relationship between the people and the public health institutions that were supposedly safeguarding their health. To the degree that governments were seen as colluding with the proliferation of these dangerous materials, institutions of public health, as departments of government, were implicated too (Brown and Mikkelsen 1990, Edelstein 1988; Steneck 1984). Even the establishment of new departments of environmental protection, though it might be a means to apply new kinds of expertise to problems of environmental health, did not fundamentally alter the climate of distrust. Public health again became a matter for grassroots political agitation with the emergence of neopopulist Green parties, whose platforms gave prominent attention to health as part of environmental good, and who put their marginality to established governments at the centre of their appeal to the electorate.
Such a focus on bad environmental policy even informed the response to AIDS and to other new infectious diseases, like Ebola fever, that appeared in the 1980s and 1990s. While it became clear that these diseases could be largely controlled through the traditional means of changes in personal behaviour and isolation or restriction of the activities of victims, these recognitions were not fully reassuring. They did little to deflect demand for a vaccine, or the investment of hope in curative medicine. They too could be seen as environmental diseases, caused by environmental changes that had allowed animal viruses to acquire secondary human hosts for whom they were highly virulent. Chief amongst these changes was the unwise exploitation of tropical forests by an international oligopoly that put profit ahead of prudence (Garrett 1995).
Even those diseases most closely linked to lifestyle choice could be attributed to the broader social environment. People smoked, drank, used drugs, ate too much or vastly too little, practised unsafe sex, spent hours immobilized before televisions absorbing images of violence, hit their spouses and children, or shot their coworkers or themselves because they could no longer cope. To expect disciplined personal behaviour from alienated people living in a stressful world was unrealistic, and the institutions of public health should recognize this. But the critics were ambivalent as to what such an analysis implied. For some, the obvious response was to remake a society whose support structures were more consistent with the health behaviours it wished to promote. How absurd, for example, for a state to subsidize the production of tobacco and the addiction to it of people in other nations, whilst blaming its own citizens for smoking. For others such a response sounded like an even more invidiously intrusive state, bent on removing not only the means by which we satisfied unhealthful temptations, but also the temptations themselves. In this ‘critical public health’ view the lifestyle agenda was suspicious as the public health agenda of the untrustworthy state, not of its people. It was not clear that the personal benefits of delayed or denied gratification were worth it: perhaps one hould just enjoy life and rely on the miracles of modern medicine for redemption (Petersen and Lupton 1996).
This view, together with the emergence of widespread cancers and other chronic illnesses for which there was no clear preventive strategy, including the debilitating conditions of ageing, raised the question of why supportive and curative medical care did not form a part or priority of public health. It also raised the question of how far reaching the health obligations of the liberal state were to its citizens. This issue had vexed public health practitioners throughout the liberal era, though it had often been suppressed because it was seen as too politically volatile. In socialist or social democratic politics, or where the legacy of medical police remained strong (even when adopted, as in Sweden, by a democratic polity), there was often no clear boundary between public health and the public medical care most people demanded and received (Porter 1999). But elsewhere the recognition that public health was bound up in the larger issue of human welfare, which in turn included the rest of medical care, was problematic. Many of the newly prominent diseases were not infectious; they could be experienced privately without disturbing community or state, hence the reactive and police rationales for public health did not apply. But they did disrupt the fulfilment of human potential, and could justly take their place amongst the demands citizens could make of their governments.
In France, Germany, and Russia public health services had emerged from, and had remained closely linked to, medical services for the poor (Labisch 1992; Ramsey 1994; Solomon 1994). In mid-nineteenth century England, Edwin Chadwick, notwithstanding his own post as chief administrator of relief to the poor and the existence of a comprehensive national network of poor law medical officers, had deliberately severed public health (which he equated with sanitary engineering and saw as exclusively preventive) from the second-rate medical care that was offered to the poor, more on grounds of humanity than expectations of effectiveness. (It was hoped that they would thereby willingly pay for something better.) Chadwick’s English successors, while moderating the focus on sanitary engineering, retained a distinction between public health medicine and social welfare, which seemed to them only marginally medical and to have more to do with the moral chastisement of the feckless or the warehousing of the incompetent or neglected (Hamlin 1998). In Ireland, by contrast, an integrated system of public health, welfare, and medical care did emerge during the late nineteenth century, but more by accident than design (Cassell 1997). At the end of the nineteenth century, the Fabian socialists presented British parliament with a clear choice. The Fabians (mainly Beatrice Webb) proposed a much expanded scheme of prevention, though one which made even greater demands on personal and social behaviour as the price the citizen must pay for greater guarantees from the state. The liberals, whose view prevailed, would not discipline personal hygiene, but offered instead an insurance plan to pay for the medical care needed by stricken working men (Fox 1986; Eyler 1997). It was a policy acceptable to the rank and file of the medical profession and that retained and reinforced the split between public health and medicine.
Subsequent efforts to expand state responsibility for health into matters of care and cure have generally worked when medical professions have seen them as advantageous, yet the relationship between even this expanded public medicine and the broader questions of social welfare remain problematic (Starr 1982; Fox 1986). The kinds of objections that were made to Webb’s scheme still arise: however laudable prevention as a goal, ironically, as we have seen with the concerns about lifestyles and the environment, the strategies and priorities of the preventive public health of the last two centuries have not always been those most desired by the masses of people. To many, it has seemed that if the state was going to discipline behaviour for its own purposes, those who suffered that imposition deserved compensation for their trouble when things still went wrong. Such logic was clearest in compensating veterans of wars. It underwrote the postwar establishment of Britain’s National Health Service, which would provide ‘health for heroes’ and sustains the Veterans Administration medical system in the United States. Thus what some have complained of as an unrealistic demand for risk-free living, in which people demand a political right to complete freedom of action without accepting responsibility for the consequences (as if one could somehow live free of one’s biological self), may be better understood as a complaint about the fairness of the basic social contract of modern societies.
This problem of the relationship between the institutions of public health and the citizenry on whose behalf they claim to act is the greatest challenge currently facing public health in the developed world. That the problems that confront both public health and regular medical practice often stem from a wide range of social causes is plain. That it is so difficult to develop political will to respond to these problems is not chiefly a matter of epidemiological uncertainty. Such pathological phenomena are clearly the product of many causes on many levels and accordingly there are numerous points of access where defensible preventive measures might be taken. But almost all of them are likely to intrude on what are claimed as personal or cultural rights, and almost always attempts to act will be met with the response that it is fairer to act elsewhere. In such cases, epidemiology necessarily requires a large supplement, not from ethics so much as from a moral and political philosophy that must be acceptable to an increasingly diverse community. Without such a foundation, public health is forced to take refuge in science that is frequently challenged; but at the same time, it is not clear that the professional and educational institutions of public health, or the legal, political, and administrative structures that create and maintain it, will be able to initiate and implement a satisfactory enquiry about how these conflicting rights are to be adjudicated.
Chapter References
Acheson, R. (1991). The British diploma in public health: birth and adolescence. In A history of education in public health: health that mocks the doctors rules (ed. E. Fee and R. Acheson), pp. 44–82. Oxford University Press.
Ackerknecht, E.H. (1948). Anticontagionism between 1821 and 1867. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 22, 562–93.
Amundsen, D. and Ferngren, G. (1986). The early Christian tradition. In Caring and curing: health and medicine in the Western religious traditions (ed. R. Numbers and D. Amundusen), pp. 40–64. Macmillan, New York.
Anderson, W. (1995). Excremental colonialism: public health and the poetics of pollution. Critical Inquiry, 21, 640–69.
Apple, R. (1987). Mothers and medicine: a social history of infant feeding, 1890–1950. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, WI.
Apple, R.D. (1996). Vitamania: vitamins in American culture. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ.
Armstrong, D. (1983). The political economy of the body. Cambridge University Press.
Arrizabalaga, J. (1993). Syphilis. In The Cambridge world history of human disease (ed. K. Kiple), pp. 1025–33. Cambridge University Press.
Arrizabalaga, J., Henderson, J., and French, R. (1997). The great pox: the French disease in Renaissance Europe. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT.
Baldwin, P. (1999). Contagion and the state in Europe, 1830–1930. Cambridge University Press, New York.
Barnes, D. (1995). The making of a social disease: tuberculosis in nineteenth-century France. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA.
Blackstone, W. (1892). Commentaries on the laws of England. Strouse, New York.
Brand, J.L. (1965). Doctors and the state: the British medical profession and government action in public health, 1870–1912. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD.
Brandt, A. (1985). No magic bullet: a social history of venereal disease in the United States since 1880. Oxford University Press, New York.
Briggs, A. (1961). Cholera and society in the nineteenth century. Past and Present, 19, 76–96.
Broberg, G. and Roll-Hansen, N. (ed.) (1996). Eugenics and the welfare state: sterilization policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland. Michigan State University Press, East Lansing, MI.
Brockliss, L. and Jones, C. (1997). The medical world of early modern France. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
Brody, S. (1974). The disease of the soul; leprosy in medieval literature. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY.
Brown, P. and Mikkelsen, E. (1990). No safe place: toxic waste, leukemia, and community action. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA.
Browne, Sir Thomas (1964). Religio medici. In Religio Medici and other works. Clarendon Press, Oxford.
Brunton, D. Political medicine: the construction of vaccination policy across Britain, 1800–1871. University of Rochester Press, in press.
Bulloch, W. (1938). The history of bacteriology. Oxford University Press, New York.
Bynum, W.F. (1994). Science and the practice of medicine in the nineteenth century. Cambridge University Press.
Carmichael, A. (1997). Leprosy: larger than life. In Plague, pox, and pestilence (ed. K. Kiple), pp. 50–7. Barnes and Noble, New York.
Carpenter, K. (1994). Protein and energy: a study of changing ideas in nutrition. Cambridge University Press.
Cassedy, J. (1962). Charles V. Chapin and the public health movement. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.
Cassell, R.D. (1997). Medical charities, medical politics: the irish dispensary system and the poor law, 1836–1872. Royal Historical Society/Boydell Press, Woodbridge, Suffolk.
Chadwick, E. (1965). Report on the sanitary condition of the labouring population of Great Britain. Edinburgh University Press.
Chew, H. and Kellaway, W.E. (ed.) (1973). London Assize of Nuisance, 1301–1431: a calendar. London Record Society, London.
Cipolla, C. (1979). Faith, reason, and the plague in seventeenth century Tuscany. Norton, New York.
Cipolla, C. (1981). Fighting the plague in seventeenth-century Italy. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, WI.
Cipolla, C. (1992). Miasmas and disease: public health and the environment in the pre-industrial age (trans. Elizabeth Potter). Yale University Press, New Haven, CT.
Clendening, L. (1942). Source book of medical history. Dover Publications, New York.
Coleman, W. (1974). Health and hygiene in the Encyclopedie: A medical doctrine for the bourgeoisie. Journal of the History of Medicine, 29, 399–421.
Coleman, W. (1982). Death is a social disease: public health and political economy in early industrial France. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, WI.
Coleman, W. (1987). Yellow fever in the north: the methods of early epidemiology. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, WI.
Conrad, L. (1992). Epidemic disease in formal and popular thought in early Islamic society. In Epidemics and ideas: essays on the historical perception of pestilence (ed. T. Ranger and P. Slack), pp. 77–99. Cambridge University Press.
Crosby, A. (1986). Ecological imperialism: the biological expansion of Europe, 900–1900. Cambridge University Press.
Dean, M. (1991). The constitution of poverty: toward a genealogy of liberal governance. Routledge, London.
Delaporte, F. (1986). Disease and civilisation, the cholera in Paris, 1832. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.
Disraeli, B. (1926). Sybil, or the Two Nations (introduction by Walter Sichel). Oxford University Press.
Dols, M. (1977). The Black Death in the Middle East. Princeton University Press.
Dorff, E. (1986). The Jewish tradition. In Caring and curing: health and medicine in the Western religious traditions (ed. R. Numbers and D. Amundusen), pp. 5–39. Macmillan, New York.
Douglas, M. (1966). Purity and danger: an analysis of the concepts of pollution and taboo. Routledge, London.
Dubos, R. and Dubos, J. (1987). The white plague: tuberculosis, man and society. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ.
Duffy, J. (1990). The sanitarians: a history of American public health. University of Illinois Press, Urbana, IL.
Durey, M. (1979). The return of the plague: British society and cholera, 1831–2. Gill and MacMillan, Dublin.
Edelstein, M. (1988). Contaminated communities: social and psychological impacts of residential toxic exposure. Westview, Boulder, CO.
Ellis, J.H. (1992). Yellow fever and public health in the New South. University Press of Kentucky, Lexington, KY.
Epstein, S. (1979). The politics of cancer (revised edn). Anchor, New York.
Etheridge, E. (1972). The butterfly caste: a social history of pellagra in the South. Greenwood Press, Westport, CT.
Evans, R.J. (1990). Death in Hamburg: society and politics in the cholera years, 1830–1910. Penguin Books, London.
Eyler, J.M. (1979). Victorian social medicine: the ideas and methods of William Farr. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD.
Eyler, J. (1997). Sir Arthur Newsholme and state medicine, 1885–1935. Cambridge University Press.
Fee, E. (1993). Public health, past and present: a shared social vision. In A history of public health (ed. G. Rosen) (expanded edition), pp. ix–lxvii. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD.
Finer, S.E. (1952). The life and times of Sir Edwin Chadwick. Methuen, London.
Foucault, M. (1975). The birth of the clinic. Vintage, New York.
Fox, D. (1986). Health policies, health politics: British and American experience, 1911–1965. Princeton University Press.
Fox, D. (1993). Power and illness: the failure and future of American health policy. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA.
Frank, J.P. (1941). Academic address on the people’s misery. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 9, 88–100.
Frank, J.P. (1976). A system of complete medical police; selections from Johann Peter Frank. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD.
Gallagher, N. (1999). Breeding better Vermonters. University Press of New England, Hanover, NH.
Garrett, L. (1995). The coming plague: newly emerging diseases in a world our of balance. Penguin, New York.
Geary, L. (1995). Famine, fever, and the bloody flux. In The Great Irish Famine (ed. C. Póirtéir), pp. 74–85. Mercier Press, Dublin.
Göckjan, G. (1985). Kurieren und Staat Machen: Gesundheit und Medizin in der burgerlichen welt, p. 19. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main.
Gottlieb, R. (1993). Forcing the spring: the transformation of the American environmental movement. Island Press, Washington, DC.
Goubert, J.P. (1989). The conquest of water (trans. A. Wilson). Polity Press, London.
Guillerme, A. (1988). The age of water: the urban environment in the north of France, AD 300–1800. Texas A & M University Press, College Station, TX.
Hamlin, C. (1988). Muddling in Bumbledom: local governments and large sanitary improvements: the cases of four British towns, 1855–1885. Victorian Studies, 32, 55–83.
Hamlin, C. (1990). A science of impurity: water analysis in nineteenth century Britain. Adam Hilger/ University of California Press, Bristol/Berkeley, CA.
Hamlin, C. (1992). Predisposing causes and public health in the early nineteenth century public health movement. Social History of Medicine, 5, 43–70.
Hamlin, C. (1994). Environmental sensibility in Edinburgh, 1839–1840: the ‘Fetid Irrigation’ Controversy. Journal of Urban History, 20, 311–39.
Hamlin, C. (1998). Public health and social justice in the age of Chadwick: Britain 1800–1854. Cambridge University Press.
Haskell, T. (1985). Capitalism and the origins of the humanitarian sensibility. American Historical Review, 90, 339–61, 547–66.
Hays, S. (1987). Beauty, health, and permanence: environmental politics in the United States, 1955–1985. Cambridge University Press.
Hennock, E.P. (2000). The urban sanitary movement in England and Germany, 1838–1914: a comparison. Continuity and Change, 15, 269–96.
Hopkins, D. (1983). Princes and peasants: smallpox in history. University of Chicago Press.
Hoy, S. (1995). Chasing dirt: the American pursuit of cleanliness. Oxford University Press, New York.
Humphreys, M. (1992). Yellow fever and the South. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ.
Johannisson, K. (1994). The people’s health: public health policies in Sweden. In The history of public health and the modern state (ed. D. Porter), pp. 165–82. Rudopi, Amsterdam.
Karmi, G. (1981). State control of the physician in the Middle Ages: an Islamic model. In the town and state physician in Europe from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (ed. A. Russell), pp. 63–84. Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel.
Kearns, G. (1988). Private property and public health reform in England, 1830–1870. Social Science and Medicine, 26, 187–99.
Kearns, G. (1991). Cholera, nuisances, and environmental management in Islington, 1830–1855. In Living and dying in London (ed. W.F. Bynum and R. Porter), pp. 94–125. Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, London.
Kevles, D. (1995). In the name of eugenics: genetics and the uses of human heredity. Harvard, Cambridge, MA.
Kraut, A. (1994). Silent travelers: germs, genes, and the ‘immigrant menace’. Basic Books, New York.
Kunitz, S. (1988). Hookworm and pellagra: exemplary diseases in the New South. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 29, 139–48.
LaBerge, A. (1992). Mission and method: the early-nineteenth- century French public health movement. Cambridge University Press.
Labisch, A. (1992). Homo hygienicus: Gesundheit und Medizin in der Neuzeit. Campus, New York.
Lambert, R. (1965). Sir John Simon and English social administration. McGibbon and Kee, London.
Leavitt, J. (1996). Typhoid Mary: captive to the public’s health. Beacon Press, Boston, MA.
Leongard, J. (ed.) (1989). London viewers and their certificates, 1508–1558: certificates of the sworn viewers of the City of London. London Record Society, London.
Lewis, R.A. (1952). Edwin Chadwick and the public health movement, 1832–1854. Longmans Green, London.
Lewis, J. (1986). What price community medicine? The philosophy, practice, and politics of public health since 1919. Wheatsheaf Books, Brighton.
Lifton, R. (1986). The Nazi doctors: medical killing and the psychology of genocide. Basic Books, New York.
Longrigg, J. (1992). Epidemic, ideas and classical Athenian society. In Epidemics and ideas: essays on the historical perception of pestilence (ed. T. Ranger and P. Slack), pp. 21–44. Cambridge University Press.
López-Piñero, J.M. (1981). The medical profession in sixteenth-century Spain. In The town and state physician in Europe from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (ed. A. Russell), pp. 85–98. Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel.
McClure, R. (1981). Coram’s children: the London Foundling Hospital in the eighteenth century. Yale University Press, New Haven, CT.
McGrew, R. (1965). Russia and the cholera, 1823–1832. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, WI.
McHugh, P. (1982). Prostitution and Victorian social reform. Croom Helm, London.
McNeill, W. (1976). Plagues and peoples. Anchor Doubleday, New York.
Marks, H. (1997). The progress of experiment: science and therapeutic reforming the United States, 1900–1990. Cambridge University Press.
Melosi, M. (2000). The sanitary city: urban infrastructure in America from colonial times to the present. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD.
Miller, G. (1957). The adoption of inoculation for smallpox in England and France. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, PA.
Münch, P. (1993). Stadthygiene im 19 und 20 Jahrhundert. Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, Göttingen.
Newsholme, A. (1935). Fifty years in public health: a personal narrative with comments. Vol. 1, The Years Preceding 1909. George Allen and Unwin, London.
Nohl, J. (1926). The Black Death. Allen and Unwin, London.
Novak, S. J. (1973). Professionalism and bureaucracy: English doctors and the Victorian public health administration. Journal of Social History, 6, 440–62.
Novak, W. J. (1996). The people’s welfare: law and regulation in nineteenth-century America. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, NC.
Palmer, R. (1981). Physicians and the state in post-medieval Italy. In The town and state physician in Europe from the Middle Ages to the Enlightenment (ed. A. Russell), pp. 47–62. Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbüttel.
Paul, D.B. (1995). Controlling human heredity: 1865 to the present. Humanities Press, New Jersey.
Pelling, M. (1978). Cholera, fever, and English medicine, 1825–1865. Oxford University Press.
Petersen, A. and Lupton, D. (1996). The new public health: health and self in the age of risk. Sage, London.
Pettenkofer, M. (1941). The value of health to a city (trans. with an introduction by H.E. Sigerist). Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD.
Pick, D. (1989). Faces of degeneration: a European disorder, c. 1848–1918. Cambridge University Press.
Pickstone, J.V. (1992). Dearth, dirt, and fever epidemics: rewriting the history of British ‘public health’, 1780–1850. In Epidemics and ideas: essays on the historical perception of pestilence (ed. T. Ranger, and P. Slack), pp. 125–48. Cambridge University Press.
Porter, D. (1991a). ‘Enemies of the race’: biologism, environmentalism, and public health in Edwardian England. Victorian Studies, 34, 159–78.
Porter, D. (1991b). Stratification and its discontents: professionalization and conflict in the British public health service, 1848–1914. In A history of education in public health: health that mocks the doctor’s rules (ed. E. Fee and R. Acheson), pp. 83–113. Oxford University Press.
Porter, D. (1999). Health, civilization and the state. Routledge, London.
Porter, D. and Porter, R. (1988). The politics of prevention: anti-vaccinationism and public health in nineteenth century England. Medical History, 32, 231–52.
Ramsey, M. (1994). Public health in France. In The history of public health and the modern state (ed. D. Porter), pp. 45–118. Rudopi, Amsterdam.
Razzell, P. (1977). The conquest of smallpox: the impact of inoculation on smallpox mortality in eighteenth century England. Caliban, Firle.
Redlich, J. and Hirst, F. (1970). The history of local government in England, being a reissue of Book I of Local government in England, second edition, with an introduction and epilogue by Bryan Keith-Lucas. Augustus Kelley, New York.
Richards, P. (1977). The medieval leper and his northern heirs. Rowman and Littlefield, Totowa, NJ.
Richards, P. (1980). State formation and class struggle. In Capitalism, state formation, and Marxist theory (ed. P. Corrigan), pp. 49–78. Quartet, London.
Richardson, R. (1988). Death, dissection, and the destitute. Penguin, London.
Riley, J.C. (1987). The eighteenth century campaign to avoid disease. Macmillan, London.
Roberton, J. (1827). Observations on the mortality and physical mangement of children. Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, London.
Rogers, N. (1990). Dirt and disease: polio before FDR. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ.
Rosen, G. (1947). What is social medicine: a genetic analysis of the concept. Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 21, 674–733.
Rosen, G. (1958). A history of public health. MD Publications, New York.
Rosen, G. (1974a). Cameralism and the concept of medical police. In From medical police to social medicine: essays on the history of health care (ed. G. Rosen), pp. 120–41. Science History, New York.
Rosen, G. (1974b). The fate of the concept of mecical police, 1780–1890. In From medical police to social medicine: essays on the history of health care (ed. G. Rosen), pp. 142–58. Science History, New York.
Rosenberg, C. (1962). The cholera years: the United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866. University of Chicago Press.
Rosenkrantz, B. (1972). Public health and the state: changing views in Massachusetts, 1842–1936. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.
Rosenkrantz, B.G. (1974). Cart before horse: theory, practice and professional image in American public health, 1870–1920. Journal of the History of Medicine, 29, 55–73.
Sadler, M. (1830). The law of population, being a treatise in six books, in disproof of the superfecundity of human beings, and developing the real principle of their increase. John Murray, London.
Schneider, W.H. (1990). Quality and quantity: the quest for biological regeneration in 20th century France. Cambridge University Press.
Shattuck, L. (1972). Report of a general plan for the promotion of public and personal health, devised, prepared, and recommended by the commissioners … relating to a sanitary survey of the state. Arno, New York.
Simon, J. (1890). English sanitary institutions, reviewed in their course of development, and in some of their political and social relations. Cassell, London.
Simson, J. v. (1978). Die Flussverungsreinigungsfrage im 19. Jahrhundert. Vierteljahrschirft für sozial- und wirtschaftgeschichte, 65, 370–90.
Skisnes, O. (1973). Notes from the history of leprosy. International Journal of Leprosy, 41, 220–37.
Slack, P. (1985). The impact of the plague in Tudor and Stuart England. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.
Smith, D.C. (1981). Medical science, medical practice, and the emerging concept of typhus. In Theories of fever from Antiquity to the Enlightenment (ed. W.F. Bynum and V. Nutton), pp. 121–34. Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, London.
Smith, F.B. (1988). The retreat of tuberculosis 1850–1950. Croom Helm, London.
Snowden, F. (1995). Naples in the time of cholera 1884–1911. Cambridge University Press.
Solomon, S.G. (1994). The expert and the state in Russian public health: continuities and changes across the revolutionary divide. In The history of public health and the modern state (ed. D. Porter), pp. 183–223. Rudopi, Amsterdam.
Soloway, R.A. (1982). Birth control and the population question in England, 1877–1930. University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, NC.
Starr, P. (1982). The social transformation of American medicine. Basic Books, New York.
Steneck, N. (1984). The microwave debate. MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.
Stepan, N. (1991). The hour of eugenics: race, gender, and nation in Latin America. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY.
Sturm, C.C. (1832). Sturm’s reflections on the works of god, and his providence throughout all nature. Woodward, Philadelphia, PA.
Tesh, S.N. (1987). Hidden arguments: political ideology and disease prevention. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ.
Thucydides (1950). The history of the Peloponnesian War (trans. R. Crawley). E.P. Dutton, New York.
Tomes, N. (1998). The gospel of germs: men, women, and the microbe in American life. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.
Turshen, M. (1987). The politics of public health. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ.
Veyne, P. (1987). The Roman Empire. In A history of private life. I: From Pagan Rome to Byzantium (ed. P. Veyne) (trans. A. Goldhammer), pp. 222–32. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA.
Walkowitz, J. (1980). Prostitution and Victorian society: women, class and the state. Cambridge University Press.
Watkin, D. (1984). The English revolution in social medicine, 1889–1911. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of London.
Webb, S. and Webb, B. (1922). English local government from the Revolution to the Municipal Corporations Act: statutory authorities for special purposes. Longmans Green, London.
Weindling, P. (1984). Was social medicine revolutionary? Rudolph Virchow and the Revolution of 1848. Bulletin of the Society for the Social History of Medicine, 34, 13


One comment on “1.2 The history and development of public health in developed countries(cont’3)

  1. Hello $Author, I recently came across your website through Internet search and the details you have got attracted me, just to appreciate the quality and value added in my opinion from your article. Quite educate, keep up to date the excellent work up, I’m sure i will book mark your website, therefore it will much easier to visit again, thank you.

Leave a Reply

Fill in your details below or click an icon to log in:

WordPress.com Logo

You are commenting using your WordPress.com account. Log Out / Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out / Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out / Change )

Google+ photo

You are commenting using your Google+ account. Log Out / Change )

Connecting to %s

%d bloggers like this: